1917 February revolution. Literary and historical notes of a young technician. Preparation for elections to the Constituent Assembly

The February Revolution of 1917 in Russia is still called Bourgeois Democratic. It is the second revolution in a row (the first occurred in 1905, the third in October 1917). The February revolution began a great turmoil in Russia, during which not only the Romanov dynasty fell and the Empire ceased to be a monarchy, but the entire bourgeois-capitalist system, as a result of which the elite in Russia was completely replaced

Causes of the February Revolution

• Unhappy participation of Russia in the First World War, accompanied by defeats at the fronts, disorganization of life in the rear
• The inability of Emperor Nicholas II to rule Russia, which resulted in unsuccessful appointments of ministers and military leaders
• Corruption on all levels of government
• Economic difficulties
• The ideological decay of the masses, who have ceased to believe in the tsar, the church, and the local leaders
• Discontent with the tsar's policies by representatives of the big bourgeoisie and even his closest relatives

“… For several days we lived on a volcano… There was no bread in Petrograd, - the transport was badly disordered due to extraordinary snows, frosts and, most importantly, of course, because of the tension of the war… There were street riots… But it was certainly not in bread ... This was the last straw ... The point was that in this whole huge city it was impossible to find several hundred people who would sympathize with the authorities ... And not even that ... The point is that the authorities did not sympathize with themselves ... , in fact, not a single minister who would believe in himself and in what he is doing ... The class of the former rulers was fading away .. "
(Vas. Shulgin "Days")

February Revolution

• February 21 - grain riots in Petrograd. Crowds smashed grain shops
• February 23 - the beginning of the general strike of the workers of Petrograd. Mass demonstrations with slogans "Down with war!", "Down with autocracy!", "Bread!"
• February 24 - More than 200 thousand workers of 214 enterprises went on strike, students
• February 25 - 305 thousand people have already gone on strike, 421 factories stood. The workers were joined by white-collar workers and artisans. The troops refused to disperse the protesters
• February 26 - Riots continue. Decay in the troops. Police failure to restore calm. Nicholas II
  postponed the beginning of meetings of the State Duma from February 26 to April 1, which was perceived as its dissolution
• February 27 - armed uprising. The spare battalions of Volynsky, Litovsky, Preobrazhensky refused to obey the commanders and joined the people. In the afternoon, the Semyonovsky regiment, the Izmailovsky regiment, and the spare armored division rose up. The Kronverksky arsenal, the Arsenal, the main post office, the telegraph office, railway stations, and bridges were occupied. The State Duma
  appointed a Provisional Committee "to establish order in St. Petersburg and to communicate with institutions and individuals."
• February 28, night, the Provisional Committee announced that it was taking power into its own hands.
• On February 28, the 180th Infantry Regiment, the Finnish Regiment, sailors of the 2nd Baltic Fleet Crew and the cruiser Aurora revolted. The insurgent people occupied all the stations of Petrograd
• March 1 - Kronstadt, Moscow revolted, the tsar's associates offered him either the introduction of loyal army units into Petrograd, or the creation of the so-called "responsible ministries" - a government subordinate to the Duma, which meant the transformation of the Emperor into an "English queen."
• March 2, night - Nicholas II signed a manifesto on the granting of a responsible ministry, but it was too late. The public demanded renunciation.

"The Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief," General Alekseev, requested by telegram all the commanders-in-chief of the fronts. These telegrams asked the commanders-in-chief for their opinion on the desirability of the emperor's abdication in favor of his son under the given circumstances. By one o'clock on the second of March, all the answers of the commanders-in-chief had been received and concentrated in the hands of General Ruzsky. These answers were:
1) From Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich - Commander-in-Chief of the Caucasian Front.
2) From General Sakharov - the actual commander-in-chief of the Romanian front (in fact, the commander-in-chief was the king of Romania, and Sakharov was his chief of staff).
3) From General Brusilov - Commander-in-Chief of the Southwestern Front.
4) From General Evert - Commander-in-Chief of the Western Front.
5) From Ruzsky himself - the commander-in-chief of the Northern Front. All five commanders-in-chief of the fronts and General Alekseev (General Alekseev was the chief of staff under the Emperor) spoke in favor of the Emperor's abdication from the throne. " (Vas. Shulgin "Days")

• On March 2, at about 15:00, Tsar Nicholas II decided to abdicate in favor of his heir, Tsarevich Alexei, during the regency of the younger brother of the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. During the day, the king decided to abdicate also for the heir.
• March 4 - the newspapers published the Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II and the Manifesto on the abdication of Mikhail Alexandrovich.

“The man rushed to us - Lovely!” He shouted and grabbed my hand. “Have you heard? There is no king! Only Russia remained.
He kissed everyone hard and rushed to run on, sobbing and muttering something ... It was already one o'clock in the morning when Efremov usually slept deeply.
Suddenly, at this inopportune hour, the cathedral bell rang out, echoing and briefly. Then the second blow, the third.
The blows became more frequent, a tight ringing was already floating over the town, and soon the bells of all the surrounding churches joined it.
Lights were lit in all the houses. The streets were filled with people. The doors in many houses were thrown wide open. Strangers, crying, hugged each other. A solemn and jubilant cry of locomotives flew from the station (K. Paustovsky "Restless Youth")

- the revolutionary events that took place in Russia in early March (according to the Julian calendar - in late February - early March) 1917 and led to the overthrow of the autocracy. In Soviet historical science, it was characterized as "bourgeois".

Its tasks were the introduction of a constitution, the establishment of a democratic republic (the possibility of maintaining a constitutional parliamentary monarchy was not excluded), political freedoms, the solution of land, labor and national issues.

The revolution was caused by a significant deterioration in the socio-economic situation of the Russian Empire in connection with the protracted First World War, economic devastation, and the food crisis. It became more and more difficult for the state to maintain the army and provide the city with food; discontent with the military hardships grew among the population and among the troops. Agitators of the left parties successfully acted at the front, calling the soldiers to disobedience and rebellion.

The liberal-minded public was outraged by what was happening at the "top", criticizing the unpopular government, frequent changes of governors and ignorance of the State Duma, whose members demanded reforms and, in particular, the creation of a government responsible not to the tsar, but to the Duma.

The aggravation of the needs and calamities of the masses, the growth of anti-war sentiments and general dissatisfaction with the autocracy led to massive uprisings against the government and the dynasty in large cities, and above all in Petrograd (now St. Petersburg).

At the beginning of March 1917, due to transport difficulties in the capital, supply worsened, ration cards were introduced, and the Putilov factory temporarily suspended its work. As a result, 36,000 workers lost their livelihoods. Strikes in solidarity with the Putilovites took place in all districts of Petrograd.

On March 8 (February 23, old style), 1917, tens of thousands of workers took to the streets of the city, carrying the slogans "Bread!" and "Down with the autocracy!" Two days later, the strike had already engulfed half of the workers of Petrograd. Armed squads were formed at the factories.

On March 10-11 (February 25-26, old style), the first clashes between the strikers and the police and gendarmerie took place. Attempts to disperse the protesters with the help of troops were not crowned with success, but only heated up the situation, since the commander of the Petrograd military district, fulfilling the order of Emperor Nicholas II to "restore order in the capital", ordered the troops to shoot at the demonstrators. Hundreds of people were killed or wounded, and many were arrested.

On March 12 (February 27, old style), the general strike escalated into an armed uprising. A massive transfer of troops to the side of the rebels began.

The military command tried to bring new units to Petrograd, but the soldiers did not want to participate in the punitive operation. One military unit after another took the side of the rebels. The revolutionary-minded soldiers, having seized an armory, helped the detachments of workers and students to arm themselves.

The rebels occupied the most important points of the city, government buildings, and arrested the tsarist government. They also destroyed police stations, seized prisons, released prisoners, including criminals. Petrograd was overwhelmed by a wave of robberies, murders and robberies.

The center of the uprising was the Tauride Palace, in which the State Duma previously sat. On March 12 (February 27, old style), a Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies was formed here, the majority of which were Mensheviks and Trudoviks. The first thing the Council did was to solve the problems of defense and food supply.

At the same time, in the adjacent hall of the Tauride Palace, the Duma leaders, who refused to obey the decree of Nicholas II on the dissolution of the State Duma, formed the "Provisional Committee of the State Duma Members", which declared itself the bearer of the supreme power in the country. The committee was chaired by the chairman of the Duma, Mikhail Rodzianko, and the body included representatives of all Duma parties, with the exception of the extreme right. The members of the committee have created a broad political program of transformations necessary for Russia. Their first priority was to restore order, especially among the soldiers.

On March 13 (February 28, old style), the Provisional Committee appointed General Lavr Kornilov to the post of commander of the troops of the Petrograd district and sent its commissars to the Senate and ministries. He began to perform the functions of government and sent deputies Alexander Guchkov and Vasily Shulgin to the Headquarters to negotiate with Nicholas II on the abdication of the throne, which took place on March 15 (March 2, old style).

On the same day, as a result of negotiations between the Provisional Committee of the Duma and the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, the Provisional Government was created, headed by Prince Georgy Lvov, which took full power into its own hands. The only representative of the Soviets who received a ministerial post was the Trudovik Alexander Kerensky.

On March 14 (March 1, old style), the new government was established in Moscow, during March - throughout the country. But in Petrograd and in the localities, the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies gained great influence.

The coming to power simultaneously of the Provisional Government and the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies created a situation of dual power in the country. A new stage of the struggle for power between them began, which, together with the inconsistent policy of the Provisional Government, created the preconditions for the October Revolution of 1917.

The material was prepared on the basis of information from open sources

The February Revolution of 1917 got this name because the main events began to take place in February according to the then current Julian calendar. It should be borne in mind that the transition to the Gregorian calendar took place in 1918. Therefore, these events became known as the February revolution, although, in fact, it was a March uprising.

Researchers draw attention to the fact that there are certain claims to the definition of "revolution". This term was introduced into circulation by Soviet historiography following the government, which in this way wanted to emphasize the popular character of what was happening. However, objective scientists draw attention to the fact that this is, in fact, a coup. Despite loud slogans and objectively brewing discontent in the country, broad masses were not involved in the main events of the February revolution. The working class, which began to form then, became the basic driving force, but it was too small in number. The peasantry, on the other hand, was mostly on the sidelines.

The day before, a political crisis was brewing in the country. Since 1915, the emperor formed a rather strong opposition, which gradually increased in strength. Its main goal was the transition from autocracy to a constitutional monarchy similar to Great Britain, and not what the February and October revolutions of 1917 ultimately led to. Many historians point out that such a course of events would be smoother and would make it possible to do without numerous human casualties, sharp social upheavals, which subsequently resulted in a civil war.

Also, when discussing the nature of the February revolution, it should be noted that it was affected by the First World War, which drew too many forces from Russia. People lacked food, medicine, and basic necessities. A large number of peasants were employed at the front, there was no one to sow. Production was oriented towards military needs, and the rest of the industries suffered noticeably. Cities were literally flooded with crowds of people who needed food, work, housing. At the same time, the impression was created that the emperor was simply watching what was happening and was not going to do anything, although in such conditions it was simply impossible not to react. As a result, the coup could also be called an outbreak of public discontent that had accumulated in relation to the imperial family over many years.

Since 1915, the role of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna in the government of the country has sharply increased, who did not enjoy particular popularity among the people, especially because of her unhealthy attachment to Rasputin. And when the emperor assumed the duties of commander-in-chief and moved away from everyone at Headquarters, problems began to accumulate like a snowball. We can say that this was a fundamentally wrong move, fatal for the entire Romanov dynasty.

The Russian Empire at that time was also very unlucky with managers. Ministers almost constantly changed, and most of them did not want to delve into the situation, some simply did not differ in leadership abilities. And few people understood what kind of threat was actually hanging over the country.

At the same time, certain social conflicts, which had remained unresolved since the 1905 revolution, escalated. Thus, when the revolution began, the beginning set in motion a huge pendulum-like mechanism. And he demolished the entire old system, but at the same time he got out of control and destroyed a lot of necessary things.

Grand Ducal Fronde

It is worth noting that the nobility is often accused of doing nothing. In fact, this is not the case. Already in 1916, even his close relatives were in opposition to the emperor. In history, this phenomenon has received the name of the "grand-prince's opposition". In short, the main requirements were the formation of a government responsible to the Duma, the removal of the empress and Rasputin from the actual government. The move, according to some historians, is correct, only a little belated. When real action began, in fact the revolution had already begun, the beginning of serious changes could not be stopped.

Other researchers believe that in 1917 the February revolution would only have occurred in connection with internal processes and accumulated contradictions. And the October one was already a successful attempt to plunge the country into a civil war, into a state of complete instability. Thus, it has been established that Lenin and the Bolsheviks as a whole were quite well supported financially from abroad. However, it is worth returning to the February events.

Views of political forces

The table will help to demonstrate the political sentiments prevailing then.

From the above, it is clear that the then existing political forces united only in opposition to the emperor. Otherwise, they did not find understanding, and their goals were often opposite.

The driving forces of the February revolution

Speaking about what really drove the revolution, it is worth noting several points at the same time. First, there is political discontent. Secondly, the intelligentsia, which did not see the emperor as the leader of the nation, he was not suitable for this role. The "ministerial leapfrog" also had serious consequences, as a result of which there was no order inside the country, officials were dissatisfied, who did not understand who to obey, according to what order to work.

Analyzing the prerequisites and causes of the February Revolution of 1917, it is worth noting that there were mass workers' strikes. However, a lot happened on the anniversary of “Bloody Sunday”, so not everyone wanted a real overthrow of the regime and a complete change of the country, it is likely that these were just speeches timed to a specific date, as well as a means to attract attention.

At the same time, if you look for information on the topic "presentation of the February revolution of 1917", you can find evidence that the most depressive moods reigned in Petrograd. Which was frankly strange, because even at the front, the general mood was much more cheerful. As eyewitnesses later recalled in their memoirs, it resembled mass hysteria.

Start

In 1917, the February revolution began, in fact, with a mass panic raised in Petrograd over a shortage of bread. At the same time, historians subsequently established that this attitude was created largely artificially, and the supply of grain was specially blocked, since the conspirators were going to take advantage of the popular unrest and get rid of the king. Against this background, Nicholas II leaves Petrograd, leaving the situation to the Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Protopopov, who did not see the whole picture. Then the situation developed incredibly rapidly, gradually getting more and more out of control.

First, Petrograd rebelled completely, followed by Kronstadt, then Moscow, unrest spread to other large cities. Basically, the "lower classes" rebelled, which suppressed them by their massiveness: ordinary soldiers, sailors, workers. Members of one group dragged another into confrontation.

Meanwhile, Emperor Nicholas II could not make a final decision in any way. He slowly reacted to a situation that required more stringent measures, he wanted to listen to all the generals, in the end he renounced, but not in favor of his son, but in favor of his brother, who was categorically unable to cope with the situation in the country. As a result, on March 9, 1917, it became clear that the revolution had won, the Provisional Government was formed, and the State Duma as such ceased to exist.

What are the main results of the February revolution?

The main result of the events that took place was the end of the autocracy, the end of the dynasty, the abdication of the emperor and his family members from the rights to the throne. Also on March 9, 1917, the Provisional Government began to rule the country. According to some historians, the significance of the February revolution should not be underestimated: it was she who subsequently led to the civil war.

The revolution also showed ordinary workers, soldiers and sailors that they can take control of the situation and take power into their own hands by force. Thanks to this, the foundation was laid for the October events, as well as the Red Terror.

Revolutionary sentiments flared up, the intelligentsia began to welcome the new system, and the monarchical one was called the “old regime”. New words began to come into vogue, for example, the appeal "comrade". Kerensky gained immense popularity, creating his own paramilitary political image, which was later copied by a number of leaders among the Bolsheviks.

Causes and nature of the February Revolution.
Uprising in Petrograd on February 27, 1917
The February Revolution of 1917 in Russia was caused by the same reasons, had the same character, solved the same problems and had the same alignment of opposing forces as the revolution of 1905-1907. After the revolution of 1905-1907. the tasks of democratizing the country continued to remain — the overthrow of the autocracy, the introduction of democratic freedoms, and the solution of burning issues — agrarian, worker, and national. These were the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic transformation of the country, therefore the February one, like the revolution of 1905-1907, was of a bourgeois-democratic character.

Although the revolution of 1905 - 1907. and did not solve the fundamental tasks of democratizing the country facing it and was defeated, however, it served as a political school for all parties and classes and thus was an important prerequisite for the February Revolution and the October Revolution of 1917 that followed.

But the February Revolution of 1917 took place in a different environment than the revolution of 1905-1907. On the eve of the February Revolution, social and political contradictions sharply escalated, aggravated by the hardships of a long and exhausting war, into which Russia was dragged. The economic devastation generated by the war and, as a consequence, the aggravation of the needs and misfortunes of the masses, caused acute social tension in the country, an increase in anti-war sentiments and general discontent not only of the left and opposition, but also of a significant part of the right forces with the policy of the autocracy. The authority of the autocratic power and its bearer, the reigning emperor, has noticeably fallen in the eyes of all strata of society. The war, unprecedented in its scale, seriously shook the moral foundations of society, brought an unprecedented bitterness into the consciousness of people's behavior. The millions of front-line soldiers who saw blood and death every day easily succumbed to revolutionary propaganda and were ready to take the most extreme measures. They longed for peace, a return to earth, and the slogan "Down with the war!" was especially popular at that time. The end of the war was inevitably associated with the elimination of the political regime that had drawn the people into the war. So the monarchy was losing support in the army.

By the end of 1916, the country found itself in a state of deep social, political and moral crisis. Did the ruling circles realize the danger threatening them? Security Department Reports Late 1917 - Early 1917 full of anxiety in anticipation of the impending social explosion. They foresaw the social danger for the Russian monarchy and abroad. Grand Duke Mikhail Mikhailovich, the tsar's cousin, wrote to him in mid-November 1916 from London: “The agents of the Intelligence Service [British intelligence service], usually well-informed, predict a revolution in Russia. the demands of the people before it is too late. " Those close to Nicholas II told him in despair: "There will be a revolution, we will all be hanged, but on which lamp, it doesn't matter." However, Nicholas II stubbornly did not want to see this danger, hoping for the mercy of Providence. Curious is the conversation that took place shortly before the events of February 1917 between the tsar and the chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko. "Rodzianko: - I warn you that in less than three weeks a revolution will break out, which will sweep you away, and you will no longer reign. Nicholas II: - Well, God willing. Rodzianko: - God will not give anything, the revolution is inevitable" ...

Although the factors that prepared the revolutionary outburst in February 1917 had been taking shape for a long time, politicians and publicists, right and left, predicted its inevitability, the revolution was neither "prepared" nor "organized", it broke out spontaneously and suddenly for all parties and government. Not a single political party has shown itself to be the organizer and leader of the revolution, which took them by surprise.

The closest reason for the revolutionary outbreak was the following events that took place in the second half of February 1917 in Petrograd. In mid-February, the supply of foodstuffs to the capital, especially bread, deteriorated. Bread was in the country and in sufficient quantities, but due to the devastation in transport and the sluggishness of the authorities in charge of supply, it could not be delivered to the cities on time. A rationing system was introduced, but it did not solve the problem. There were long lines at the bakeries, which caused growing discontent among the population. In this situation, any act of the authorities or owners of industrial enterprises that irritated the population could serve as a detonator for a social explosion.

On February 18, workers at one of the largest factories in Petrograd, Putilovsky, went on strike, demanding a wage increase due to the rising cost. On February 20, the administration of the plant, under the pretext of interruptions in the supply of raw materials, dismissed the strikers and announced the closure of some workshops for an indefinite period. The Putilovites were supported by workers from other enterprises in the city. On February 23 (according to the new style, March 8 - International Women's Day), it was decided to start a general strike. Opposition Duma leaders also decided to take advantage of the day of February 23rd, who on February 14th from the rostrum of the State Duma sharply criticized the mediocre ministers and demanded their resignation. Duma leaders - the Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze and Trudovik A.F. Kerensky - established contact with illegal organizations and created a committee to hold a demonstration on February 23.

On that day, 128 thousand workers of 50 enterprises went on strike - a third of the workers in the capital. A demonstration was also held, which was of a peaceful nature. A rally was held in the city center. The authorities, in order to calm the people, announced that there is enough food in the city and there is no reason for concern.

The next day, 214,000 workers went on strike. The strikes were accompanied by demonstrations: columns of demonstrators with red flags and chanting the Marseillaise rushed to the city center. Women who took to the streets with the slogans "Bread" !, "Peace" !, "Freedom !," Return our husbands! "Took an active part in them.

The authorities initially viewed them as natural food riots. However, the events grew every day and took on a threatening character for the authorities. On February 25, over 300,000 people were struck. (80% of the workers in the city). Demonstrators already came out with political slogans: "Down with the monarchy!", "Long live the republic!", Rushing to the central squares and avenues of the city. They managed to overcome police and military barriers and break through to Znamenskaya Square near the Moscow railway station, where a spontaneous rally began at the monument to Alexander III. Rallies and demonstrations were held in the main squares, avenues and streets of the city. The Cossack detachments sent against them refused to disperse them. Demonstrators threw stones and logs at the horsemen. The authorities have already seen that the "riots" are taking on a political character.

On the morning of February 25, columns of workers again rushed to the center of the city, and police stations on the Vyborg side had already been smashed. A rally began again on Znamenskaya Square. The demonstrators clashed with the police, resulting in the death and injury of several demonstrators. On the same day, Nicholas II received from the commander of the Petrograd military district, General S.S. Khabalov reported on the outbreak of unrest in Petrograd, and at 9 o'clock in the evening Khabalov received a telegram from him: "I command tomorrow to stop the riots in the capital, which are unacceptable in the difficult time of the war with Germany and Austria." Khabalov immediately ordered the police and the commanders of spare parts to use weapons against the demonstrators. On the night of February 26, the police arrested about a hundred of the most active left-wing parties.

February 26th was a Sunday afternoon. Factories and factories did not work. The masses of demonstrators with red banners and singing revolutionary songs again rushed to the central streets and squares of the city. On the Znamenskaya Square and near the Kazan Cathedral, rallies were continuously held. On Khabalov's order, the policemen, who had sat on the rooftops, opened fire with machine guns at the demonstrators and protesters. On Znamenskaya Square, 40 people were killed and the same number were wounded. The police fired at demonstrators on Sadovaya Street, Liteiny and Vladimirsky avenues. On the night of February 27, new arrests were made: this time 170 people were arrested.

The outcome of any revolution depends on which side the army is on. The defeat of the revolution of 1905-1907 largely due to the fact that, despite a series of uprisings in the army and navy, the army as a whole remained loyal to the government and was used by it to suppress peasant and workers' revolts. In February 1917, a garrison of up to 180 thousand soldiers was stationed in Petrograd. These were mainly spare parts that were to be sent to the front. There were many recruits from cadre workers, mobilized for participating in strikes, and many recovered from the wounds of the front-line soldiers. The concentration of a mass of soldiers in the capital, who easily succumbed to the influence of revolutionary propaganda, was a major mistake of the authorities.

The shooting of the demonstrators on February 26 caused strong indignation among the soldiers of the capital's garrison and had a decisive impact on their transition to the side of the revolution. In the afternoon of February 26, the 4th company of the reserve battalion of the Pavlovsky regiment refused to take the place indicated to it at the outpost and even opened fire on the mounted police platoon. The company was disarmed, 19 of its "ringleaders" were sent to the Peter and Paul Fortress. Chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko telegraphed the tsar that day: "The situation is serious. There is anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed. There is indiscriminate shooting in the streets. Parts of the troops are shooting at each other." In conclusion, he asked the king: "Immediately instruct a person enjoying the country's confidence to form a new government. You must not hesitate. Any delay is like death."

Even on the eve of the Tsar's departure to Headquarters, two versions of his decree on the State Duma were prepared - the first on its dissolution, the second on the interruption of its studies. In response to Rodzianko's telegram, the tsar sent a second version of the decree - on a break in the Duma from February 26 to April 1917. At 11 a.m. on February 27, State Duma deputies gathered in the White Hall of the Tauride Palace and silently listened to the tsar's decree on the break of the Duma session. The decree of the tsar put the Duma members in a difficult position: on the one hand, they did not dare not to fulfill the will of the tsar, on the other hand, they could not but reckon with the threatening development of revolutionary events in the capital. The deputies from the left-wing parties proposed not to obey the tsarist decree and declare themselves the Constituent Assembly in their "appeal to the people", but the majority was against such an action. In the Semicircular Hall of the Tavricheskiy Palace, they opened a "private meeting" at which it was decided, in compliance with the tsar's command, not to hold official meetings of the Duma, but the deputies did not disperse and remain in their places. By half past three in the afternoon on February 27, crowds of demonstrators approached the Tauride Palace, some of them entered the palace. Then the Duma decided to form from among its members the "Provisional Committee of the State Duma for the establishment of order in Petrograd and for communication with institutions and individuals." On the same day, a 12-member committee chaired by Rodzianko was formed. At first, the Provisional Committee was afraid to take power into its own hands and sought an agreement with the tsar. On the evening of February 27, Rodzianko sent a new telegram to the tsar, in which he suggested that he make concessions - to instruct the Duma to form a ministry responsible to it.

But events unfolded rapidly. On that day, strikes engulfed almost all enterprises in the capital, and in fact, an uprising had already begun. The troops of the capital's garrison began to go over to the side of the rebels. On the morning of February 27, a training team of 600 people from the reserve battalion of the Volyn regiment rebelled. The team leader was killed. Non-commissioned officer T.I. Kirpichnikov raised the entire regiment, which moved to the Lithuanian and Preobrazhensky regiments and carried them along.

If on the morning of February 27, 10 thousand soldiers went over to the side of the rebels, then in the evening of the same day - 67 thousand. On the same day Khabalov telegraphed the tsar that "the troops refuse to go out against the rebels." On February 28, 127 thousand soldiers were on the side of the rebels, and on March 1, already 170 thousand soldiers. On February 28, the Winter Palace and the Peter and Paul Fortress were captured, an arsenal was seized, from which 40 thousand rifles and 30 thousand revolvers were distributed to the workers' detachments. On Liteiny Prospect, the building of the District Court and the House of Pre-trial Detention was destroyed and set on fire. Police stations were on fire. The gendarmerie and the secret police were liquidated. Many policemen and gendarmes were arrested (later the Provisional Government released them and sent them to the front). Prisoners were released from prisons. On March 1, after negotiations, the remnants of the garrison that had settled in the Admiralty together with Khabalov surrendered. The Mariinsky Palace was taken and the tsarist ministers and high dignitaries who were in it were arrested. They were brought or brought to the Tauride Palace. Minister of Internal Affairs A.D. Protopopov voluntarily came under arrest. The ministers and generals from the Tauride Palace were escorted to the Peter and Paul Fortress, the rest to the places of confinement prepared for them.

Military units from Peterhof and Strelna that had gone over to the side of the revolution arrived in Petrograd through the Baltic station and along the Peterhof highway. On March 1, the sailors of the Kronstadt port revolted. The commander of the Kronstadt port and the military governor of the city of Kronstadt, Rear Admiral R.N. Viren and several senior officers were shot by the sailors. Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich (cousin of Nicholas II) brought the guards crew entrusted to him to the Tauride Palace at the disposal of the revolutionary power.

On the evening of February 28, in the conditions of the already victorious revolution, Rodzianko proposed announcing the assumption of government functions by the Provisional Committee of the State Duma. On the night of February 28, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma appealed to the peoples of Russia with an appeal that it was taking the initiative to "restore state and public order" and create a new government. As a first measure to the ministries, he sent commissars from the members of the Duma. In order to seize the situation in the capital and suspend the further development of revolutionary events, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma tried in vain to return the soldiers to the barracks. But this attempt showed that he was unable to take control of the situation in the capital.

The soviets revived in the course of the revolution became a more effective revolutionary power. Back on February 26, a number of members of the Union of Workers 'Cooperatives of Petrograd, the Social Democratic faction of the State Duma and other working groups put forward the idea of ​​forming Soviets of Workers' Deputies on the model of 1905. This idea was also supported by the Bolsheviks. On February 27, representatives of the working groups, together with a group of Duma deputies and representatives of the left intelligentsia, gathered in the Tauride Palace and announced the creation of the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Working People's Deputies. The committee made an appeal to immediately elect deputies to the Soviet - one deputy from 1,000 workers, and one from a company of soldiers. 250 deputies were elected and gathered in the Tauride Palace. They, in turn, took the Executive Committee of the Council, which was chaired by the leader of the Social-Democratic faction of the State Duma, Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze, and his deputies, Trudovik A.F. Kerensky and the Menshevik M.I. Skobelev. The majority in the Executive Committee and in the Soviet itself belonged to the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries - at that time the most numerous and influential left-wing parties in Russia. On February 28, the first issue of Izvestia of the Council of Workers' Deputies was published (editor - Menshevik F.I.Dan).

The Petrograd Soviet began to act as an organ of revolutionary power, making a number of important decisions. On February 28, on his initiative, regional councils committees were created. He formed a military and food commission, an armed militia, and established control over printing houses and railways. By a decision of the Petrograd Soviet, the financial resources of the tsarist government were seized and control over their spending was established. Commissars from the Soviet were sent to the districts of the capital to establish people's power in them.

On March 1, 1917, the Soviet issued the famous Order No. 1, which provided for the creation of elective soldiers' committees in military units, abolished the titling of officers and saluted them out of service, but most importantly, removed the Petrograd garrison from subordination to the old command. This order in our literature is usually regarded as a deeply democratic act. In fact, by subordinating unit commanders to soldiers' committees, little competent in military affairs, he violated the principle of one-man command necessary for any army and thereby contributed to the fall of military discipline.

The number of victims in Petrograd in the days of February 1917 was about 300 people. killed and up to 1200 wounded.

Formation of the Provisional Government
With the formation on February 27 of the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, in fact, a dual power began to take shape. Until March 1, 1917, the Soviet and the Duma Committee operated independently of each other. On the night of 1 to 2 March, negotiations began between representatives of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma on the formation of the Provisional Government. Representatives of the Soviets set a condition for the Provisional Government to immediately proclaim civil liberties, amnesty for political prisoners and announced the convocation of a Constituent Assembly. When the Provisional Government fulfilled this condition, the Council decided to support it. The formation of the composition of the Provisional Government was entrusted to the Provisional Committee of the State Duma.

It was formed on March 2, and its composition was announced on March 3. The Provisional Government consisted of 12 people - 10 ministers and 2 chief executives of central departments equated to ministers. 9 ministers were deputies of the State Duma.

A large landowner, chairman of the All-Russian Zemstvo Union, cadet, Prince G.E. Lvov, ministers: foreign affairs - the leader of the Cadet party P.N. Milyukov, military and naval - the leader of the Octobrist party A.I. Guchkov, trade and industry - a large manufacturer, progressist, A.I. Konovalov, communications - the "left" cadet N.V. Nekrasov, public education - close to the cadets, professor of law A.A. Manuilov, agriculture - zemstvo doctor, cadet, A.I. Shingarev, justice - Trudovik (since March 3, Socialist-Revolutionary, the only socialist in the government) A.F. Kerensky, for Finland - cadet V.I. Rodiichev, Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod - Octobrist V.N. Lvov, state controller - Octobrist I.V. Godnev. Thus, 7 ministerial posts, the most important ones, were in the hands of the Cadets, 3 ministerial posts were received by the Octobrists and 2 representatives of other parties. It was the "finest hour" of the cadets, who for a short time (two months) were in power. The inauguration of the ministers of the Provisional Government took place during March 3-5. The Provisional Government announced itself for a transitional period (until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly) of the supreme legislative and executive power in the country.

On March 3, the program of activities of the Provisional Government, coordinated with the Petrograd Soviet, was also promulgated: 1) full and immediate amnesty for all political and religious matters; 2) freedom of speech, press, assembly and strike; 3) the abolition of all class, religious and national restrictions; 4) immediate preparation for elections on the basis of general, equal, secret and direct voting to the Constituent Assembly; 5) the replacement of the police by a people's militia with elected authorities subordinate to local self-government bodies; 6) elections to local government bodies; 7) non-disarming and non-withdrawal from Petrograd of the military units that took part in the February 27 uprising; and 8) granting civilian rights to soldiers. The program laid the broad foundations of constitutionalism and democracy in the country.

However, most of the measures declared in the declaration of the Provisional Government on March 3 were implemented even earlier, as soon as the revolution was victorious. So, as early as February 28, the police was abolished and a people's militia was formed: instead of 6 thousand policemen, 40 thousand people were occupied by the protection of order in Petrograd. the people's militia. She took under the protection of the enterprise and city quarters. Detachments of the native militia were soon created in other cities as well. Subsequently, along with the workers 'militia, combat workers' squads (Red Guard) also appeared. The first detachment of the Red Guard was created in early March at the Sestroretsk plant. The gendarmerie and the secret police were eliminated.

Hundreds of prisons were destroyed or burned. The press organs of the Black Hundred organizations were closed. Trade unions were revived, cultural and educational, women's, youth and other organizations were created. Full freedom of the press, meetings and demonstrations was won by an explicit order. Russia has become the freest country in the world.

The initiative to reduce the working day to 8 hours came from the Petrograd entrepreneurs themselves. On March 10, an agreement was concluded between the Petrograd Soviet and the Petrograd Society of Manufacturers about this. Then, through similarly private agreements between workers and employers, the 8-hour working day was introduced throughout the country. However, a special decree of the Provisional Government about this was not issued. The agrarian question was attributed to the decision of the Constituent Assembly out of fear that the soldiers, having learned about the "division of land", would abandon the front and move into the countryside. The Provisional Government declared the arbitrary seizures of the landlord peasants illegal.

In an effort to "get closer to the people", on the spot to study the specific situation in the country and enlist the support of the population, the ministers of the Provisional Government made frequent trips to cities, army and navy units. At first, they met with such support at rallies, meetings, all kinds of meetings, professional congresses. The ministers often and willingly gave interviews to the press and held press conferences. The press, in turn, sought to create a favorable public opinion about the Provisional Government.

France and England were the first to recognize the Provisional Government as "the spokesman for the true will of the people and the only government of Russia." In early March, the Provisional Government was recognized by the United States, Italy, Norway, Japan, Belgium, Portugal, Serbia and Iran.

Abdication of Nicholas II
The transfer of the troops of the capital's garrison to the side of the rebels forced the Headquarters to start taking decisive measures to suppress the revolution in Petrograd. On February 27, Nicholas II through the Chief of Staff of the Headquarters, General M.V. Alekseeva gave the order to move "reliable" punitive troops to Petrograd. The punitive expedition included the Georgievsky battalion, taken from Mogilev, and several regiments from the Northern, Western and Southwestern fronts. The expedition was headed by General N.I. Ivanov, who was also appointed instead of Khabalov and the commander of the Petrograd military district with the broadest, dictatorial powers - to the point that all the ministers were at his complete disposal. It was supposed to concentrate 13 infantry battalions, 16 cavalry squadrons and 4 batteries in the Tsarskoe Selo area by March 1.

In the early morning of February 28, two letter trains, royal and suite, set off from Mogilev through Smolensk, Vyazma, Rzhev, Likhoslavl, Bologoye to Petrograd. Upon their arrival at Bologoye on the night of March 1, the news was received that two companies with machine guns had arrived in Lyuban from Petrograd in order not to let the tsarist trains into the capital. When the trains came to the station. Malaya Vishera (160 km from Petrograd), the railway authorities reported that it was impossible to move further, because the next stations Tosno and Lyuban were occupied by revolutionary troops. Nicholas II ordered the trains to turn to Pskov - to the headquarters of the commander of the Northern Front, General N.V. Ruzsky. The royal trains arrived in Pskov at 7 pm on March 1. Here Nicholas II learned about the victory of the revolution in Petrograd.

At the same time, General M.V. Alekseev decided to abandon the military expedition to Petrograd. Having enlisted the support of the commanders-in-chief of the fronts, he ordered Ivanov to refrain from punitive actions. The Georgievsk battalion, which reached Tsarskoe Selo on March 1, retreated back to the Vyritsa station. After negotiations between the commander-in-chief of the Northern Front, Ruzsky, and Rodzianko, Nicholas II agreed to form a government responsible to the Duma. On the night of March 2, Ruzsky conveyed this decision of the tsar to Rodzianko. However, he said that the publication of the manifesto about this had already been "belated", for the course of events had set a "definite demand" - the tsar's abdication. Without waiting for a response from Headquarters, Duma deputies A.I. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin. And at this time Alekseev and Ruzsky asked all the commanders-in-chief of the fronts and fleets: the Caucasian - the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, the Romanian - General V.V. Sakharov, South-West - General A.A. Brusilov, Western - General A.E. Evert, the commanders of the fleets - the Baltic - Admiral A.I. Nepenin and Black Sea - Admiral A.V. Kolchak. The commanders of the fronts and fleets declared the need for the tsar to abdicate the throne "in the name of saving the motherland and the dynasty, agreed with the statement of the chairman of the State Duma, as the only one, apparently, capable of ending the revolution and saving Russia from the horrors of anarchy." Those uncle Nikolai Nikolayevich addressed Nicholas II from Tiflis with a plea to abdicate the throne.

On March 2, Nicholas II ordered to draw up a manifesto on his abdication in favor of his son Alexei during the regency of his younger brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. This decision of the tsar was drawn up in the name of Rodzianko. However, its dispatch was delayed pending receipt of new messages from Petrograd. In addition, the arrival of Guchkov and Shulgin was expected in Pskov, which was reported to the Headquarters.

Guchkov and Shulgin arrived in Pskov on the evening of March 2, reported that there was no military unit in Petrograd to rely on, and confirmed the need for the tsar to abdicate from the throne. Nicholas II said that he had already made such a decision, but now he is changing it and is already renouncing not only himself, but also the heir. This act of Nicholas II violated the coronation manifesto of Paul I of April 5, 1797, which provided that the reigning person has the right to abdicate the throne only for himself, and not for our glaciers.

A new version of Nicholas II's abdication from the throne was adopted by Guchkov and Shulgin, who only asked him that, before signing the act of abdication, the tsar would approve a decree appointing G.E. Lvov as the prime minister of the newly formed government, and Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich again as the supreme commander-in-chief.

When Guchkov and Shulgin returned to Petrograd with the manifesto of Nicholas II, who abdicated the throne, they met with strong dissatisfaction among the revolutionary masses with this attempt by Duma leaders to preserve the monarchy. A toast in honor of "Emperor Mikhail", proclaimed by Guchkov on his arrival from Pskov at the Warsaw railway station in Petrograd, aroused such strong indignation of the workers that they threatened him with execution. At the station, Shulgin was searched, who, however, managed to secretly convey the text of the manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II to Guchkov. The workers demanded the destruction of the text of the manifesto, the immediate arrest of the tsar and the proclamation of a republic.

On the morning of March 3, the members of the Duma committee and the Provisional Government met with Mikhail in the mansion of Prince. O. Putyatina on Millionnaya. Rodzianko and Kerensky argued the necessity of his renunciation of the throne. Kerensky said that the people's indignation was too strong, the new tsar could perish from the people's anger, and the Provisional Government would perish with him. However, Milyukov insisted on the acceptance of the crown by Mikhail, arguing the need for strong power to strengthen the new order, and such power needs support - "the monarchical symbol familiar to the masses." A provisional government without a monarch, Miliukov said, is "a fragile boat that can drown in the ocean of popular unrest"; it will not survive until the Constituent Assembly, as anarchy will reign in the country. Guchkov, who soon arrived at the meeting, supported Milyukov. Milyukov, in his impetuosity, even suggested that they take the cars and go to Moscow, where they proclaim Mikhail emperor, gather troops under his banner, and march on Petrograd. Such a proposal clearly threatened civil war and frightened the rest of those present at the meeting. After lengthy discussions, the majority voted in favor of Michael's abdication. Mikhail agreed with this opinion and at 4 p.m. signed the document drawn up by V.D. Nabokov and Baron B.E. Nolde manifesto on his rejection of the crown. The manifesto, promulgated the next day, said that Michael "made a firm decision only in the event that he would accept the supreme power, if such is the will of our great people, who should, through a popular vote through their representatives in the Constituent Assembly, establish the mode of government and new basic laws of the state. Russian ". Michael appealed to the people with an appeal "to obey the Provisional Government, vested with full authority." All members of the royal family also made written statements of support for the Provisional Government and the renunciation of claims to the royal throne. On March 3, Nicholas II sent a telegram to Mikhail.

Calling him "imperial majesty", he apologized that he "did not warn" him about the transfer of the crown to him. The news of Michael's abdication was perceived by the abdicated king with bewilderment. "God knows who advised him to sign such nasty things," Nikolai wrote in his diary.

The emperor who abdicated the throne went to the Headquarters in Mogilev. A few hours before the signing of the act of abdication, Nikolai again appointed Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich to the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army. However, the Provisional Government appointed General A.A. Brusilov. On March 9, Nikolai and his retinue returned to Tsarskoe Selo. By order of the Provisional Government, the royal family was kept under house arrest in Tsarskoe Selo. The Petrograd Soviet demanded a trial of the former tsar and even on March 8 adopted a resolution on his imprisonment in the Peter and Paul Fortress, but the Provisional Government refused to carry it out.

In connection with the growth of anti-monarchist sentiments in the country, the deposed king asked the Provisional Government to send him and his family to England. The Provisional Government appealed to the British Ambassador in Petrograd, George Buchanan, to ask the British cabinet about it. P.N. Miliukov, when meeting with the tsar, assured him that the request would be granted and even advised him to prepare for departure. Buchanan requested his office. He first agreed to provide asylum in England for the deposed Russian tsar and his family. However, a wave of protest arose against this in England and in Russia, and the English king George V turned to his government with a proposal to cancel this decision. The interim government sent a request to the French cabinet to grant asylum to the royal family in France, but was also refused, citing the fact that this would be negatively perceived by public opinion in France. This is how the attempts of the Provisional Government to send the former tsar and his family abroad failed. On August 13, 1917, by order of the Provisional Government, the tsar's family was sent to Tobolsk.

The essence of dual power
In the transitional period - from the moment of the victory of the revolution to the adoption of the constitution and the formation of permanent bodies of power in accordance with it - the Provisional Revolutionary Government operates, which is entrusted with the duty of breaking the old apparatus of power, securing the conquests of the revolution by appropriate decrees and the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, which determines the form of the future state device of the country, approves decrees issued by the Provisional Government, giving them the force of laws, and adopts a constitution.

The interim government for the transitional period (until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly) has both legislative and administrative and executive functions. This, for example, was the case during the Great French Revolution at the end of the 18th century. The same way of transforming the country after the revolutionary coup was envisaged in their projects by the Decembrists of the Northern Society, putting forward the idea of ​​a "Provisional Revolutionary Government" for the transitional period, and then the convocation of the "Supreme Council" (Constituent Assembly). All the Russian revolutionary parties at the beginning of the 20th century, who wrote it down in their programs, also imagined the path of the revolutionary reorganization of the country, the demolition of the old state machine and the formation of new bodies of power.

However, the process of the formation of state power in Russia as a result of the February Revolution of 1917 followed a different scenario. In Russia, a dual power unparalleled in history was created - represented by the Soviets of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies, on the one hand, and the Provisional Government, on the other.

As already mentioned, the emergence of Soviets - organs of people's power - dates back to the revolution of 1905-1907. and is an important conquest. This tradition was immediately revived after the victory of the uprising in Petrograd on February 27, 1917. In addition to the Petrograd Soviet in March 1917, more than 600 local councils arose, which elected from among their midst permanent government bodies - executive committees. These were the elected representatives of the people, relying on the support of the broad working masses. The councils performed legislative, administrative, executive and even judicial functions. By October 1917, there were already 1,429 councils in the country. They arose spontaneously - it was the spontaneous creativity of the masses. Along with this, local committees of the Provisional Government were created. This created a dual power at the central and local levels.

At that time, representatives of the Menshevik and Socialist-Revolutionary parties had the predominant influence in the Soviets, both in Petrograd and in the provincial ones, who were oriented not on the "victory of socialism," believing that there were no conditions for this in backward Russia, but on the development and consolidation of it. bourgeois democratic gains. Such a task, they believed, in the transitional period could be fulfilled by a Provisional, bourgeois government, which needed to provide support in carrying out the country's democratic reforms, and, if necessary, put pressure on it. In fact, during the period of diarchy, real power was in the hands of the Soviets, for the Provisional Government could only rule with their support and carry out its decrees with their sanction.

At first, the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies acted jointly. They even held their meetings in the same building - the Tauride Palace, which then became the center of the country's political life.

During March-April 1917, the Provisional Government, with the support and pressure on it from the Petrograd Soviet, carried out a series of democratic reforms, which were mentioned above. At the same time, it postponed the solution of a number of acute problems inherited from the old regime until the Constituent Assembly, and among them there is an agrarian question. Moreover, it issued a number of decrees criminalizing the unauthorized seizure of landlords, appanage and monastery lands. On the issue of war and peace, it took a defensive position, remaining faithful to the allied obligations assumed by the old regime. All this caused the growing dissatisfaction of the masses with the policy of the Provisional Government.

Dual power is not a division of powers, but a confrontation between one power and another, which inevitably leads to conflicts, to the desire of each power to overthrow its opposing power. Ultimately, dual power leads to paralysis of power, to the absence of any power, to anarchy. With a dual power, the growth of centrifugal forces is inevitable, which threatens the collapse of the country, especially if this country is multinational.

The dual power lasted no more than four months - until the beginning of July 1917, when, amid the unsuccessful offensive of the Russian troops on the German front, on July 3-4 the Bolsheviks organized a political demonstration and attempted to overthrow the Provisional Government. The demonstration was shot, and repression fell upon the Bolsheviks. After the July days, the Provisional Government managed to subjugate the Soviets, which obediently carried out its will. However, this was a short-term victory for the Provisional Government, whose position was becoming increasingly precarious. The economic chaos deepened in the country: inflation grew rapidly, production fell catastrophically, and the danger of impending famine became real. In the countryside, mass pogroms of landowners' estates began, the peasants seized not only landlord, but also church lands, information was received about the murders of landowners and even clergymen. The soldiers are tired of the war. At the front, fraternization of soldiers of both belligerents became more frequent. The front was essentially falling apart. Desertion sharply increased, whole military units were removed from positions: the soldiers hurried home in order to have time to divide the landlords' lands.

The February revolution destroyed the old state structures, but failed to create a lasting and authoritative government. The Provisional Government increasingly lost control over the situation in the country and was no longer able to cope with the growing chaos, complete disruption of the financial system, and the collapse of the front. The ministers of the Provisional Government, being highly educated intellectuals, brilliant orators and publicists, turned out to be unimportant politicians and bad administrators, divorced from reality and did not know it well.

In a relatively short time, from March to October 1917, four members of the Provisional Government changed: its first composition existed for about two months (March-April), the next three (coalition, with "socialist ministers") - each for no more than one and a half months ... It experienced two serious power crises (in July and September).

The power of the Provisional Government was weakening every day. It increasingly lost control over the situation in the country. In an atmosphere of political instability in the country, deepening economic chaos, and a protracted unpopular war. the threat of impending famine, the masses were thirsty for "solid power" that would be able to "put things in order." The contradictory behavior of the Russian muzhik also worked - his primordially Russian striving for "firm order" and at the same time the primordially Russian hatred of any really existing order, that is, a paradoxical combination in the peasant mentality of Caesarism (naive monarchism) and anarchism, obedience and rebellion.

By the fall of 1917, the power of the Provisional Government was practically paralyzed: its decrees were not implemented or were ignored altogether. In the localities, anarchy actually reigned. There were fewer and fewer supporters and defenders of the Provisional Government. This largely explains the ease with which it was overthrown by the Bolsheviks on October 25, 1917. They not only easily overthrew the virtually powerless Provisional Government, but also received powerful support from the broad popular masses, promulgating the most important decrees the next day after the October Revolution - about the earth and the world. It was not abstract socialist ideas that were incomprehensible to the masses that attracted them to the Bolsheviks, but the hope that they would indeed end the hated war and once give the peasants the coveted land.

“V.A. Fedorov. History of Russia 1861-1917 ".
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Causes, course and results of the February revolution and its features. Causes of the Crises of the Provisional Government. Causes, course and results of the October Revolution.

The answer should start with analysis reasons for the February revolution... Then it should be noted the peculiarity of this revolution, its main events and results.

Considering the events of February-October 1917, it is necessary to analyze in detail the causes of the crises of the Provisional Government and their consequences, the reasons for the rapid growth of the influence of the Bolsheviks among the population. In conclusion, it is necessary to express your own (reasoned) opinion on the inevitability of the Bolsheviks coming to power, as well as on the peculiarities of the October events of 1917 (can they be considered a revolution?).

A rough outline of the answer:

1. February revolution , its main events and results (23-27 February 1917).

The reasons for the revolution. Economic and political crisis, destabilization of the situation due to the protracted First World War; the fall of the moral authority of tsarism because of "Rasputinism" (what is this? Answer: I mean the enormous influence of G. Rasputin on the royal family, under whose patronage there were appointments to all the highest posts, an indicator of the decomposition of the regime).

A characteristic feature of the February Revolution - its spontaneous nature (not a single party was ready for the revolution).

Main events:

February 23, 1917... - the beginning of a strike at the Putilov factory (at first, economic slogans prevailed: to improve the supply of St. Petersburg with food, etc.).

26 february- Mass demonstrations in Petrograd under anti-war slogans, clashes with the police and troops.

February 27- the transition of the Petrograd garrison to the side of the rebels; the formation of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies (Petrosovet) and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma.

2nd of March- the abdication of Nicholas II for himself and for his son Alexei in favor of his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich (this was Nikolai's trick, since, according to the law on succession to the throne, he had no right to abdicate for his son → apparently he planned to declare his abdication illegal in the near future). At the same time, the Petrosovet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma agreed to create The provisional government(it was supposed to act before the convocation of the Constituent Assembly) on the basis of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, but under the control of the Petrograd Soviet (the Cadets and Octobrists received most of the ministerial portfolios, the Right Socialist Revolutionary Kerensky entered the Government from the Petrograd Soviet as Minister of Justice). Petrosovet also issued Order number 1(the abolition of honor in the army, the introduction of soldiers' committees and elected commanders). Its significance - the soldiers fully supported the Petrosovet, but at the same time the decomposition of the army began, the complete fall of military discipline.

March, 3rd- Mikhail's abdication from the throne, but Russia was not proclaimed a republic (according to the "party of power" - the Cadets - only the Constituent Assembly could have done this).

Results of the revolution: overthrow of the monarchy, the actual establishment of the republic (officially proclaimed only on September 1, 1917); maximum democratic rights and freedoms of the population, universal suffrage were proclaimed. Thus, the February Revolution of 1917 can be considered completed bourgeois-democratic revolution.

2. The regime of dual power. The crisis of the Provisional Government. One of the results of the February Revolution was the establishment dual power(the presence of two alternative centers of power: the Petrosovet and the Provisional Government). This was one of the reasons for the extreme instability of the political situation, reflected in the crises of the Provisional Government.

The first crisis- April: because of the speech by the leader of the cadets, Minister of Foreign Affairs Milyukov, with a note on the continuation of the war to a victorious end. Outcome: massive anti-war demonstrations and the resignation of Milyukov and Guchkov (Minister of War, leader of the Octobrists).

Second crisis- June-July. Cause: unsuccessful offensive at the front, in response - massive anti-war demonstrations; an attempt by the Bolsheviks to seize power under their cover → demonstrations were shot by troops, the Bolsheviks were outlawed as "German spies"; the composition of the Provisional Government changed (it included the leaders of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries from the Petrosovet, Kerensky became its chairman). Outcome: the end of the dual power, the Provisional Government became the center of power.

Third crisis- August. Cause: the attempt of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief General Kornilov to seize power on August 26-27 (tell in more detail about the features of the "Kornilov mutiny", the position of Kerensky, the Cadets, Socialist-Revolutionaries and other parties). The revolt was suppressed with the active participation of the Bolsheviks. Consequence- a sharp increase in their authority, Bolshevization of the Soviets in September 1917).

The common cause of the crises of the Provisional Government is stubborn unwillingness to solve urgent problems (about war, land, political order) before the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. Moreover, the elections to the Constituent Assembly were constantly postponed, which led to a fall in the authority of the government. One of the reasons for such a position of the government is the idea of ​​"non-determination" of the Cadets (what is its essence?).

Outcome: catastrophic deterioration of the situation in the country.

Was the coming to power of the Bolsheviks inevitable? Most historians nowadays adhere to the "theory of two alternatives". Its essence: the situation in the country by the fall of 1917 due to the inaction of the Provisional Government had deteriorated so much that it was now possible to get out of the crisis only with the help of tough radical measures, that is, the establishment of a dictatorship either "from the right" (military, Kornilov), or " on the left ”(Bolsheviks). Both those and others promised to quickly solve all problems, without waiting for the elections to the Constituent Assembly. The attempt to establish a dictatorship "from the right" failed, and the only alternative remained - the dictatorship of the "left" of the Bolsheviks.

Conclusion: the coming of the Bolsheviks to power in those specific historical conditions is logical and logical.

3. October Revolution.

Its peculiarity is it is its almost bloodless character (the minimum number of victims during the storming of the Winter Palace and the capture of key objects in Petrograd).

When describing the events of October 24-25, it is necessary to analyze Lenin's plan, to answer the question of why the seizure of power was timed to coincide with the opening of the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets (the goal is to confront the deputies with the fact of a change of power).

Main events:

October 24- capture by the Red Guard and the Military Revolutionary Committee of the RSDLP (b) key objects of Petrograd.

the 25th of October- the seizure of the Winter Palace, the arrest of the Provisional Government, the proclamation of the power of the Soviets.

Decisions of the II All-Russian Congress of Soviets and their significance. The first measures of the Soviet government in the political, economic, social, national and cultural spheres. The reasons for the "triumphal march" of Soviet power.

In preparing this topic, it is necessary to analyze the first decrees of the Soviet government, to identify the reasons for the so-called "triumphal march" of the Soviet government in November-December 1917. It is also necessary to characterize the new structure of government bodies; the main events in the socio-economic, political and cultural spheres, their results and consequences.

An approximate plan for an answer:

1. II All-Russian Congress of Soviets: the first decrees of the Soviet government.

– Peace decree"- the announcement of Russia's withdrawal from the war, an appeal to all the belligerent powers to begin negotiations on a peace" without annexations and indemnities. "

– "Decree on land"- in fact, a program of socialization of the land of the Socialist Revolutionaries, popular among the peasants, was adopted (abolition of private ownership of land, free confiscation of landlord lands and its division among the peasants according to labor and consumption norms) → the demands of the peasants are fully satisfied.

– Power decree"- the proclamation of the transfer of power to the Soviets; creation of a new structure of power, elimination of the principle of separation of powers as a bourgeois one.

New system of power:

It should be noted that initially the Bolsheviks appealed to all socialist parties with a proposal to join the Council of People's Commissars and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, but only the Left SRs gave their consent (they received about 1/3 of the seats). Thus, until July 1918, the government was bipartisan.

The reasons for the "triumphal march of Soviet power" those. relatively peaceful (except for Moscow) and rapid establishment throughout the country: almost instantaneous implementation by the Bolsheviks (albeit in a declarative form) of their promises, which at first ensured the support of the population, especially the peasants.

2. Socio-economic activities:

October-November 1917... - decrees on the introduction of an 8-hour working day and work control at enterprises; nationalization of banks and large enterprises;

March 1918... - after the loss of grain districts (Ukraine, etc.), the introduction of a food monopoly and fixed food prices.

3. Activities in the field of national policy:

November 2, 1917. – "Declaration of the rights of the peoples of Russia": abolition of national privileges and restrictions; the right of nations to self-determination and the creation of their own states (this right was immediately used by Poland, Finland and the Baltic peoples).

Outcome: the growth of sympathy for Soviet Russia on the part of the colonial and semi-colonial countries, as well as the national outskirts of Russia itself.

4. Activities in the field of education and culture:

January 1918- a decree on the separation of church from state and school from church, a decree on the abolition of the classroom education system, the introduction of a new calendar.

5. Political events:

January 3, 1918. – « Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People "(combined all previous decrees on rights; was seen as an introduction to the Constitution).

January 5-6, 1918... - the opening and dispersal of the Constituent Assembly by the Bolsheviks (for refusing to recognize the October coup and subsequent decrees of the Soviet power).

January 10, 1918... - III Congress of Soviets; approved the "Declaration" on January 3, 1918, proclaimed Russia a federation (RSFSR), confirmed the decree of the II Congress on the socialization of the land.

July 1918... - Adoption the first Constitution of the RSFSR(consolidated the new structure of power of the Soviets), its characteristic feature is a pronounced ideologization (course towards a world revolution, etc.), deprivation of the voting rights of the exploiting classes.

In conclusion, it should be noted that after the conclusion of the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty in March 1918, the Bolsheviks found themselves in an extremely difficult situation and, in order to avoid famine in the cities, they were forced to begin requisitioning grain from the peasants (through the committees of the poor created in June 1918). Outcome: growing discontent of the peasants, which was used by all counter-revolutionary forces from the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks to the monarchists.

July 1918- an unsuccessful rebellion of the Left Social Revolutionaries (they opposed the new peasant policy of the Bolsheviks and peace with Germany).

Outcome: the formation of a one-party, only Bolshevik government and a one-party political system in the country.